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Did it Take Time to Create Aphrodite?

          Read at the conference Venus and the Venereal: Interpretations and           Representations from Classical Antiquity through the Eighteenth Century, held on           April 25-26, 2008 at Binghamton University, Binghamton, NY, sponsored by The Center for Medieval & Renaissance Studies.

 

photo

(Ludovisi Throne, from the site of the University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee)

 

            Just to orient ourselves visually, the screen shows a relief on what is called the “Ludovisi Throne,” from the Villa Ludovisi in Rome.  A female is rising up, assisted by two others, aside from two more around the corners not shown here.  There has been controversy, but the majority opinion is that the piece dates from 470-460 Before the Common Era, and that the central figure is Aphrodite emerging from the sea.  (Her garment clings to her body, i.e., is wet, and the other figures seem to stand on a pebbled beach.)  The others could be two of the Seasons or two of the Graces or one of each.

            This theme of connecting Aphrodite a.k.a. Venus to the sea extends into modern times, as we may hear later in this conference.  But to begin the proceedings my offering to the goddess, as it were, is to make a few remarks on what may be the earliest treatment of the subject in classical antiquity itself.   This is namely a section of the poem Theogony ascribed to Hesiod, which probably coalesced in the 1st half of the 7th century, B.C.E.  The first entry of your handout gives a translation of the section, plus some matters you can consider at your leisure to the extent of your individual interest: some footnotes on subtleties, the Greek text, a bibliography, and a synopsis of another early but undatable treatment of the theme.  Theogony itself tells of the origins of various divine principles, some anthropomorphic and others standing for forces of nature, and of their battles with one another, eventually leading to the hegemony of Zeus a.k.a. Jupiter, all composed in the same meter as Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey epics, and with many of their stylistic conventions.  The section of interest appears at a key juncture of the story: when the battles begin.  Cronus a.k.a. Saturn, who will eventually become the father of Zeus himself and then be overthrown by Zeus, has just castrated his own father Uranus the sky-god, at the urging of his mother Gaea, the earth, because Uranus had hidden all their children inside her, causing her discomfort.  We are told:

But the severed genitals did not escape from Cronus’s hand in vain:  Gaea took in as many of the bloody drops as sped away from Uranus’s wound, and upon the turning of periods (in the Greek periplomenōn eniautōn) she engendered the powerful Furies and the great Giants of brilliant armor holding long spears in their hands, and over the boundless earth she engendered the nymphs called Ash.

As to these products of fertilization by blood, the warrior Giants are certainly associated with blood, and the presence of the Furies also seems logical enough.  The reasons for the Ash nymphs seem to me to be, first, that the cited spears are made of ash, and second, that an association between ash deities and giants apparently goes back to Indo-European times.  In any case, returning to the translation, we learn:

Meanwhile, no sooner had Cronus first cut off the genitals with the hard-metal and thrown them from the land into the much-surging sea than they were borne on the water polun chronon (which I leave untranslated because its signification is precisely what is at issue), with white foam arising all around from the deathless flesh (in Greek, athanatou chroos), and in it a maiden was formed.

To summarize the rest, the creature that eventually emerged is called Aphroditē since she came from aphros, foam, and other names for similar reasons.  She acquired the companions Love and Longing.  And she instills amorous feelings into both gods and humans.

            My specific concern in this passage is with the role of what passes for the entity now called time, and we need some clarification of the terms (following handout #2).  To the earliest Greeks it was not the word chronos, but the section’s phrase meaning “the turning of periods,” i.e., a space straightforwardly measured by processes like the revolutions of the sun, that best matched the modern idea that time is a particular continuum that is divided into measurable intervals bounded by instants.  Thus at the outset of Homer’s Odyssey we learn that the year finally arrived for Odysseus a.k.a. Ulysses to return home, after he had been away during “the turning of periods.”   In another place the turning of a single eniautos accompanies the actual gestation of a fetus, in a human woman impregnated by a god.  And from such natural periods Homer and Hesiod cite duration quantitatively in terms like twenty years or days.  They express instants, i.e., occasions for action, with expressions like “early-born rosy-fingered Dawn appeared.”  All that is like our concept, if at times more picturesque.  But despite association of chronos with those ideas for the later Greeks such as Aristotle, a judicious balancing of the claims of the studies cited in the handout shows that in epic the term does not mean a series of instants, but simply duration in a qualitative sense.  It can be translated as “a while.”  The handout’s citation from Odyssey 19 is the one place I know where Homer might have actually connected chronos to duration in days or years, if so surely in a loose way.  He would not say that this panel is to last a chronos of 1¼ hours, nor that it began at the chronos of 2:05 PM.  End of clarification.

              Now in approaching this text it is interesting to note that births in the actual theogonical narrative before our section are simply stated, without indication of anything like time being required, granted that the turning of periods is cited in connection with the Muses in the poem’s proemium, before the theogony proper.  I ask: how will early listeners to the poem have reacted to hearing that the Furies et al only arose after a  turning of periods, and, especially, Aphrodite only after poulun chronon?  But in answering the question I do not adopt the usual hermeneutical standpoint of the Hesiod commentariat of isolating the posited pure thought from Hesiod’s poetry and considering the verse form in which it is expressed to be irrelevant.  Rather, my analysis features a point of verse form, namely, that poulun chronon is a standard epic expression, often called a formula.  In a number of places, listed in handout #3, Homer uses the accusative case phrase polun chronon in a particular verse position, and it is in fact the same as Theogony’s phrase except that one syllable is shorter for technical reasons.  And my point is that the audience cannot have thought of it simply as a large amount of chronos, simply “a long while,” because the response to any given repeated epic expression derived as much from its contexts as the literal meanings of its component words, according to the writers listed in handout #4.  Or if you will, to early audiences the connotation of such an expression was as important or more so as its denotation.  If for example we consider a phrase consisting of noun and epithet, in a number of places Homer speaks of ōkupodes hippoi, literally “swift-footed horses,” but this does not reduce to horses that happen to be fast, because sometimes they balk or even turn out to lose the race.  Rather, the expression carried to the audience what we can call an “image” without trying to define that concept too precisely, which derived from the totality of its epic uses known to the audience.

            And the simpler phrases such as ōkupodes hippoi will have been available to the composer of Theogony even if it coalesced before the Homeric poems did, as some believe, because the expressions themselves surely arose much earlier in the epic tradition.  So what are the inherited associations of poulus chronos that Hesiod’s original listeners will have sensed?  (And by the way the audiences will have been listeners, not readers, even if the author read from a written text as some believe.)  The first of the citations listed in #3 is typical: the Greeks’ elder statesman in Book 2 of the Iliad complains that they have spent polun chronon quarreling among themselves after the defection of their best warrior Achilles, i.e., instead of soldiering on and fighting the real enemy, the Trojans.  Thus we can infer that polus chronos effectively meant “wasted time.”  Not all of the citations quite say that -- after all, in Odyssey Book 5 Odysseus almost drowns during the polus chronos -- but there are enough for me to believe that wasting time is the principal image the phrase will have evoked to listeners such as Hesiod’s.  If so they will have sensed, granted, in an inchoate fashion, that the private parts of the sky god would have done better not to float around and form the maiden who became Aphrodite, whatever the parts might have done as an alternative.  But that is to say that there is something wrong with creating her, and this is in accord with the analysis of a number of commentators based on other considerations.  Scholars have long thought that the account of her creation was part of Hesiod’s overall misogynist project, as suggested by being born along with the female Furies or by parallels with the negative account of the first woman later in the poem.  Thus Annie Bonnafé in her book cited in handout #1 and Kathryn Stod­dard in a communication to me hold that the formation of Aphrodite is one manifestation of a curse Uranus utters just after the end of our section; that is, she is the sky-god’s revenge for his castration.  But I think the first audience’s visceral response, if not our modern rational analysis, will have sensed this negativity as built into the temporal phrase Hesiod uses.

            Another point of interest is that there is alliteration between two words in the successive verses 190 and 191; namely, and to cite them in the nominative case, chronos, the temporal entity that was needed for the foam to nourish the embryonic goddess, and chrōs, the material flesh that produced the foam, respectively.  The wordplay is striking because it is set off by another example.  In the text with a more literal translation (handout #5) there is assonance between the prepositions that introduce the respective clauses, am and amphi.  And if we reject the idea that Hesiod’s verse form is a mere shell, people who have carefully considered the matter agree that there is a certain solemnity involved in employing wordplay in early Greek texts, not just skill in versification.  (Without spending time on the point, for your reference I note a much discussed example in handout #6.)  To be sure, the fact that the chrōs was athanatos (deathless or immortal) only means to our modern consciousness that the immortal material naturally caused the nourishing foam and therefore its product Aphrodite to be immortal.  But the alliterative connection could not help but cause a sensation on the part of the original audience, if again inchoately, that some of this immortality accrued to the overall sentence stating that a maiden was formed from foam during poulon chronos.  That is, the consciousness will have been that the story of her origin was itself immortal.

            To deviate briefly from discussing Hesiod’s basic vision, the sense that a story is immortal seems connected to the aetiological function of myth, where divine events in some distant past affect humans today in mundane ways.  In myth, for example, one sometimes hears a statement on the order of saying that some primal figure shed tears, and so we now have dew.  And similarly with our story there is now foam on the surface of the sea, which has indeed been interpreted as the sky-god’s semen having been transformed into foam.

            And in this vein one can supplement a general understanding scholars have had about what the birth of Aphrodite signifies in the poem itself.  Granted, she is primarily associated with sex as opposed to its results.  Still, many of the commentators of handout #1 agree that, apart from some 20-odd lines featuring parthenogenesis immediately following our segment, complementing instances earlier in the narrative, and apart from her own unnatural birth, that event signals the onset of regulated procreation by sex.  Her role in subsequent procreation is clear in that several of the later births are said to occur “by means of golden Aphrodite,” and it is regulated in that whether there was sex or parthenogenesis before her was haphazard.  I would only add that the combination of the temporal expressions associated with her and with the Furies et al means the onset of definite periods for growth from conception to adulthood.  I mean that we have an onset because of the sense of permanence the chronos-chrōs wordplay lends to Aphrodite’s birth, and that the periods are definite because the expression with the Furies et al involves concrete time-reckoning.  Indeed, later in the poem the time needed for Zeus himself to grow up in a cave in Crete is stated to be “the turning of periods.”

            Of course, Hesiod does not give an explicit aetiological statement, something like “therefore to this day foam exists on the surface the sea,” nor that regulated sexual intercourse now exists as a result of the birth of Aphrodite, as he will later in the poem on the division of the sacrificial ox between gods and humans after Zeus and Prometheus interact.  This is because in our section he is primarily interested in the basic theologico-poetic vision.  To get back to that, and in particular to the theme of a goddess involved with the sea, I add finally that the sea setting surely adds a sense of spatial infinity to the timelessness the passage evokes.  If we judge from Homer’s epithets for it, the early Greeks thought of the sea by turns as turbulent as in poluklustos, “much-surging,” in our v. 189, or barren, or dark-colored, but also expansive, as in a 4-times repeated Odyssey verse about someone carrying someone else over “the broad back of the sea,” a phrase which is also employed on occasion in our poem.  Thus while the warlike Ash nymphs were arising all over the boundless earth, the domain of Aphrodite accompanied by Love and Longing was becoming as vast as the sea.

            I conclude and summarize: What it actually took to create Aphrodite was not time in our modern sense of a measured continuum objectively given to us in which everything happens, but poulus chronos, with the assistance of athanatos chrōs.  That means that Aphrodite is the product of what we now call “a waste of time,” and one which is immortal in that she has effects on us today.  To be sure, the author of the standard philological commentary on the poem, Martin West, is able to speak of “the absence of … any definite time-scale” in our episode; yet he considers the passage a thing of beauty, to which that timeless aspect gives a “dream-like quality.”  But if so it is a problematic dream, if not an outright nightmare, it is all-pervasive, and we never wake up from it.

            Thank you.